The Declaration of the
Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms
6 July 1775
A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of
North America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe,
that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the
human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded
power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and
wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully
resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of
these colonies might at least require from the parliament of
Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over
them, has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our
Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common
sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that
government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and
ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The
legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an
inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which
they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of
that kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode of contest,
where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at
length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and
impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and
have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their
last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that
assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited
domination, so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we
esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of
the world, to make known the justice of our cause. Our
forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left
their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil
and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the
hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country
from which they removed, by unceasing labour, and an
unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant
and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and
warlike barbarians. — Societies or governments, vested with
perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown,
and an harmonious intercourse was established between the
colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin.
The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so
extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally
confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and
navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the
minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of
Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these
colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. — Towards
the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a
change in his counsels. — From that fatal movement, the
affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and
gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity, to
which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one
man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake
it to its deepest foundations. — The new ministry finding
the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still
contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty
peace, and then subduing her faithful friends.
These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present
victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of
statutable plunder. — The uninterrupted tenor of their
peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of
colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during
the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most
honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by
parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations.
— Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious
project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course
of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt
concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have
undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent,
though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of
our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond
their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and
inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both
life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the
colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of
another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own
legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the
"murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in
effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province,
acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a
despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering
soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has
also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with
committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to
be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By
one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right
make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to
defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single
man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our
control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them
exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue,
if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is
raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion,
as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism
would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually
besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive
measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is
true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and
affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United
Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of
Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial
intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable
admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. — This, we flattered
ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but
subsequent events have shown, how vain was this hope of finding
moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were
inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told
it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to
receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his
parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of
American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in
their address, in the month of February, said, that "a
rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of
Massachusetts-Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been
countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and
engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of
the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that
he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due
obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme
legislature." — Soon after, the commercial intercourse
of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other,
was cut off by an act of parliament; by another several of them
were intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near
their coasts, on which they always depended for their sustenance;
and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately
sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an
illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and commoners,
who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to
stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these
accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. —
Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of
Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor.
Parliament adopted an insidious maneuvre calculated to divide us,
to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should
bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would
redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of
the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to
gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the
miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the
prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could
have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies?
in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this
continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had
taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of
Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th
day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his
army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the
said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the
affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were
officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the
inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops
proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set
upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province,
killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by
the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel
aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops,
have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or
reputation. — The inhabitants of Boston being confined
within that town by the general their governor, and having, in
order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with
him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited
their arms with their own magistrate, should have liberty to
depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly
delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in
defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations
esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as
aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be
seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the
inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted
to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children
from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations
and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who
have been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced
to deplorable distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a
proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting
the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of
these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name
or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the
course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and
order the use and exercise of the law martial." — His
troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt
Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other
places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies
of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost
power to spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have received certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the
governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province
and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason
to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic
enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel,
and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of
administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of
fire, sword and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of
choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated
ministers, or resistance by force. — The latter is our
choice. — We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. — Honour,
justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom
which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our
innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot
endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations
to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely
entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources
are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly
attainable. — We gratefully acknowledge, as signal
instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his Providence
would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy,
until we were grown up to our present strength, had been
previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the
means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these
animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the
world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers,
which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us,
the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we
will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and
perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being
with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends
and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them
that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so
happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see
restored. — Necessity has not yet driven us into that
desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to
war against them. — We have not raised armies with
ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and
establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for
conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a
people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or
even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and
civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude
or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our
birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of
it — for the protection of our property, acquired solely by
the honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against
violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay
them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be
removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and
impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly
implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this
great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on
reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the
calamities of civil war.
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